Tuesday, February 14, 2012
Vic Toews, Child Pornographer?
My post today is a response to this. If Vic Toews tries to break into my home without a warrant, I'm within my rights to defend that home, with violence if necessary. Where is my defence if he tries to invade my computer - the place in my home where most of my truly valuable possessions get stored? One bad cop in all of Canada can make this bill a mockery of our rights and safeties. Who would like to tell me that there is not one bad cop in all of Canada? What if I was Native, or female, or gay, or any combination of the above? What if I was an immigrant? Could you still say there is not one bad cop in all of Canada? This law is bullshit and can only be used to destroy the lives of everyday Canadians on behalf of Vic Toews and the people he considers exactly like him: white, male, straight conservatives in positions of power. It's time to recognize who the majority in Canada is - and it's not Vic Toews. If his logic held true, most Canadians would be child pornographers. Yet Vic Toews thinks that he represents most Canadians...
Wednesday, June 16, 2010
Wednesday, April 21, 2010
CBC News - Canada - List of missing or slain native women grows
In case you were wondering, Pickton's locked up and this continues...
CBC News - Canada - List of missing or slain native women grows
CBC News - Canada - List of missing or slain native women grows
Sunday, March 7, 2010
Wednesday, November 25, 2009
Selfishism? Selfism?
Rolling through some of the blog postings and articles from the last week or so and considering responses to the articles, I wonder if those sources communicate a shift in the meaning of the word 'racism'. There's a clear directional shift in the discussions on whiteness from the figure of white being positioned against an other, darker figure to a self reflecting white engaging in other whiteness. This apparent disregard, in the name of the other, of the other for professional purposes does not clearly signal racism but rather a sort of fatigued self-absorption. White, in whiteness theory, does not appear to hate or even dislike other colours in the rainbow. White's just tired of pretending to care that there's a rainbow. White has a mortgage, his wife's working a second job to pay for the nanny and the Volvo, his kids need Wii's and iPhones so he can reach them with the Blackberry and, frankly, White's got bigger fish to fry. Brown in fabrication has an engineering degree and no less job uncertainty than Yellow in shipping. Let's not even mention Pink, over in sales - the only one with job security, sure, but that's based on a gutwrenching daily diet of Pepto and self-degradation.
They're all white in some light spectrum or other and they just want stuff. If being white can be mobilised to help them get stuff, then so be it. The mortgage still needs paying, the Volvo still has a year left on the lease, the kids still start dating people with piercings in their genitals. White's not really racist, just selfish and tired of being told to feel guilty - even for the stuff White can clearly take responsibility for. White's selfish and oblivious, not against you and not with you either - unless you can help White get somewhere. Perhaps we need a new word for White's particular brand of sociopathy, something that reflects the clear lack of effort or interest White has in employing any emotion on behalf of others, positive or negative. Something that indicates White's total colour blindness.
They're all white in some light spectrum or other and they just want stuff. If being white can be mobilised to help them get stuff, then so be it. The mortgage still needs paying, the Volvo still has a year left on the lease, the kids still start dating people with piercings in their genitals. White's not really racist, just selfish and tired of being told to feel guilty - even for the stuff White can clearly take responsibility for. White's selfish and oblivious, not against you and not with you either - unless you can help White get somewhere. Perhaps we need a new word for White's particular brand of sociopathy, something that reflects the clear lack of effort or interest White has in employing any emotion on behalf of others, positive or negative. Something that indicates White's total colour blindness.
Tuesday, November 3, 2009
Marie Wilson Interview
This came up on the news feed and I thought I would draw closer attention to it, given the relevance to our course content.
There are a couple of questions coming out of this interview that intersect with what appears to be my approach to the material encountered through this class: to what purpose do we conflate place and identity? How do we reconcile our upbringing with our shifting environments? Perhaps most relevant to the navigation of this material for me is a question of negotiating interior and exterior, how to reconcile the fragmentation of my research process (communicated brilliantly by the fragmentation of the course material and its presentation) with a coherent identity that can be communicated externally. I'll speak a bit more to that in class tomorrow.
In the Marie Wilson interview we meet one of the three current commissioners of Canada's TRC, the only non-native member, though she currently hails from Yellowknife and married a residential school survivor. Originally hailing from Ontario she represents a northern native perspective in the hearings, though an Inuit subcommittee has apparently also been appointed (CBC1 2009). Do we read her as a white body stealing the pain of others, to use Razack's term? The filters we encounter her through make her even more problematic: she comes to us in this interview as a representative of the United Church, she states that after a lapse, she returns to the United Church to return "to a place of nostalgic safety [that] made me feel tied to my family in a spiritual way". She returns to her upbringing in the church to ground her while she negotiates the pain that residential school abuses (some perpetrated by representatives of the United Church) have caused her chosen family and environment.
Wilson clearly identifies as a member of the northern native community, though she still requires some framework from her original environment to stabilize her in what appears to remain, to some degree, an alien environment. In this interview she is presented to readers by the United Church Observer - a p.r. tool belonging to one of the organizations fully implicated in the abuses Wilson has been appointed (by another institutional abuser, the Canadian government) to help reconcile. Further, her career as a veteran reporter for the CBC, the national broadcaster, further undermines her experiential authority as a representative member of the northern native communities. In her body we see an increasingly fragmented series of identities: mother and wife and co-sufferer of residential school abuses, northern representative, United Church sop, government insider and expert spin artist, experienced researcher and story teller...how do we find a coherent figure who can adequately pursue a mandate of truth and reconciliation in an institutional enterprise funded by a government that created the atmosphere of abuse requiring this mandate as a healing agent. Meanwhile, the CBC describes the commission as: "the panel that will gather anecdotes from former students of residential schools" (CBC 2009). They appear not to give particular weight (read: anecdotes) to the commission or its mandate, even when one of the commissioners is one of their own. Perhaps in this response, we can find the trust and faith in Marie Wilson that we need: were she taken seriously by the media and not constantly augmented by mention of her husband or her career, she might be seen as too representative of power interests. Their dismissal of her worth might be just the proof we need that her body may adequately aid the communication of the suffering of so many native bodies at the hand of Canada's power structures.
I follow these stories one to another to another, sometimes getting knocked off track, sometimes watching the videos, sometimes reading the books (though less so, the medium of a computer screen makes prolonged reading of black text on white background very abusive to my brain and vision), sometimes distilling a line or two into a paper journal or notebook to fuel the creative project that i hope comes out of this research. I hope these many fragments take on a coherent identity, I think they will - without many facets, many taps by external devices at variant angles, no diamond gleams.
There are a couple of questions coming out of this interview that intersect with what appears to be my approach to the material encountered through this class: to what purpose do we conflate place and identity? How do we reconcile our upbringing with our shifting environments? Perhaps most relevant to the navigation of this material for me is a question of negotiating interior and exterior, how to reconcile the fragmentation of my research process (communicated brilliantly by the fragmentation of the course material and its presentation) with a coherent identity that can be communicated externally. I'll speak a bit more to that in class tomorrow.
In the Marie Wilson interview we meet one of the three current commissioners of Canada's TRC, the only non-native member, though she currently hails from Yellowknife and married a residential school survivor. Originally hailing from Ontario she represents a northern native perspective in the hearings, though an Inuit subcommittee has apparently also been appointed (CBC1 2009). Do we read her as a white body stealing the pain of others, to use Razack's term? The filters we encounter her through make her even more problematic: she comes to us in this interview as a representative of the United Church, she states that after a lapse, she returns to the United Church to return "to a place of nostalgic safety [that] made me feel tied to my family in a spiritual way". She returns to her upbringing in the church to ground her while she negotiates the pain that residential school abuses (some perpetrated by representatives of the United Church) have caused her chosen family and environment.
Wilson clearly identifies as a member of the northern native community, though she still requires some framework from her original environment to stabilize her in what appears to remain, to some degree, an alien environment. In this interview she is presented to readers by the United Church Observer - a p.r. tool belonging to one of the organizations fully implicated in the abuses Wilson has been appointed (by another institutional abuser, the Canadian government) to help reconcile. Further, her career as a veteran reporter for the CBC, the national broadcaster, further undermines her experiential authority as a representative member of the northern native communities. In her body we see an increasingly fragmented series of identities: mother and wife and co-sufferer of residential school abuses, northern representative, United Church sop, government insider and expert spin artist, experienced researcher and story teller...how do we find a coherent figure who can adequately pursue a mandate of truth and reconciliation in an institutional enterprise funded by a government that created the atmosphere of abuse requiring this mandate as a healing agent. Meanwhile, the CBC describes the commission as: "the panel that will gather anecdotes from former students of residential schools" (CBC 2009). They appear not to give particular weight (read: anecdotes) to the commission or its mandate, even when one of the commissioners is one of their own. Perhaps in this response, we can find the trust and faith in Marie Wilson that we need: were she taken seriously by the media and not constantly augmented by mention of her husband or her career, she might be seen as too representative of power interests. Their dismissal of her worth might be just the proof we need that her body may adequately aid the communication of the suffering of so many native bodies at the hand of Canada's power structures.
I follow these stories one to another to another, sometimes getting knocked off track, sometimes watching the videos, sometimes reading the books (though less so, the medium of a computer screen makes prolonged reading of black text on white background very abusive to my brain and vision), sometimes distilling a line or two into a paper journal or notebook to fuel the creative project that i hope comes out of this research. I hope these many fragments take on a coherent identity, I think they will - without many facets, many taps by external devices at variant angles, no diamond gleams.
Friday, October 30, 2009
new TRC in Honduras?
By Sean Mattson
TEGUCIGALPA (Reuters) - Honduras' de facto government buckled under international pressure and agreed to allow the return to power of President Manuel Zelaya, who was toppled in a military coup four months ago.
The breakthrough late on Thursday followed renewed pressure from senior U.S. officials who traveled to Honduras this week for a last-ditch effort to end a crisis that had handed U.S. President Barack Obama a foreign policy headache.
"It is a triumph for Honduran democracy," the leftist Zelaya said after the rival sides agreed to a deal that could see him restored to office in the coming days.
"We are satisfied. We are optimistic that my restitution is imminent," Zelaya said.
Zelaya, a leftist, was toppled and sent into exile on June 28 but crept back into Honduras last month and has since been holed up in the Brazilian embassy.
De facto leader Roberto Micheletti, who took over the country within hours of Zelaya's ouster, had repeatedly refused to agree for his return but finally backed down.
"I have authorized my negotiating team to sign a deal that marks the beginning of the end of the country's political situation," Micheletti, who took over as de facto leader after the coup, told a news conference on Thursday night.
He said Zelaya could return to office after a vote in Congress that would be authorized by the country's Supreme Court. He said the deal would require both sides to recognize the result of a November 29 presidential election and would transfer control of the army to the top electoral court.
Micheletti said the deal would create a truth commission to investigate the events of the last few months, and would ask the international community to reverse punitive measures like suspended aid and canceled visas.
END OF ISOLATION
The United States, the European Union and Latin American leaders had all insisted Zelaya be allowed to finish his term, which ends in January. They had threatened not to recognize the winner of the November election unless democracy was first restored.
A U.S. team led by Assistant Secretary of State Tom Shannon and Dan Restrepo, Washington's special assistant for Western Hemisphere affairs, sat in on talks earlier in the day and warned that time was running out to reach a deal.
The coffee-producing Central American country has been diplomatically isolated since Zelaya was rousted at dawn by soldiers and flown to exile on a military plane.
Zelaya had angered many in Honduras by becoming an ally of socialist Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. Critics also alleged he was seeking backing to extend presidential term limits, a claim he denies.
Human rights groups have documented major abuses by the de facto government and say free and fair elections would be impossible after Micheletti curbed civil liberties and temporarily shut down pro-Zelaya news organizations.
Obama cut some aid to Honduras after the coup but had been criticized by some Latin American for not doing more to force the de facto government to back down.
The collapse of talks last week prompted Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to dispatch the U.S. delegation to push again for a negotiated settlement.
(Additional reporting by Gustavo Palencia in Tegucigalpa; Writing by Jason Lange; Editing by Kieran Murray)
TEGUCIGALPA (Reuters) - Honduras' de facto government buckled under international pressure and agreed to allow the return to power of President Manuel Zelaya, who was toppled in a military coup four months ago.
The breakthrough late on Thursday followed renewed pressure from senior U.S. officials who traveled to Honduras this week for a last-ditch effort to end a crisis that had handed U.S. President Barack Obama a foreign policy headache.
"It is a triumph for Honduran democracy," the leftist Zelaya said after the rival sides agreed to a deal that could see him restored to office in the coming days.
"We are satisfied. We are optimistic that my restitution is imminent," Zelaya said.
Zelaya, a leftist, was toppled and sent into exile on June 28 but crept back into Honduras last month and has since been holed up in the Brazilian embassy.
De facto leader Roberto Micheletti, who took over the country within hours of Zelaya's ouster, had repeatedly refused to agree for his return but finally backed down.
"I have authorized my negotiating team to sign a deal that marks the beginning of the end of the country's political situation," Micheletti, who took over as de facto leader after the coup, told a news conference on Thursday night.
He said Zelaya could return to office after a vote in Congress that would be authorized by the country's Supreme Court. He said the deal would require both sides to recognize the result of a November 29 presidential election and would transfer control of the army to the top electoral court.
Micheletti said the deal would create a truth commission to investigate the events of the last few months, and would ask the international community to reverse punitive measures like suspended aid and canceled visas.
END OF ISOLATION
The United States, the European Union and Latin American leaders had all insisted Zelaya be allowed to finish his term, which ends in January. They had threatened not to recognize the winner of the November election unless democracy was first restored.
A U.S. team led by Assistant Secretary of State Tom Shannon and Dan Restrepo, Washington's special assistant for Western Hemisphere affairs, sat in on talks earlier in the day and warned that time was running out to reach a deal.
The coffee-producing Central American country has been diplomatically isolated since Zelaya was rousted at dawn by soldiers and flown to exile on a military plane.
Zelaya had angered many in Honduras by becoming an ally of socialist Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. Critics also alleged he was seeking backing to extend presidential term limits, a claim he denies.
Human rights groups have documented major abuses by the de facto government and say free and fair elections would be impossible after Micheletti curbed civil liberties and temporarily shut down pro-Zelaya news organizations.
Obama cut some aid to Honduras after the coup but had been criticized by some Latin American for not doing more to force the de facto government to back down.
The collapse of talks last week prompted Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to dispatch the U.S. delegation to push again for a negotiated settlement.
(Additional reporting by Gustavo Palencia in Tegucigalpa; Writing by Jason Lange; Editing by Kieran Murray)
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